Robin Hanson has an interesting post in which he argues that people who favor laws against employer discrimination are inconsistent. The gist of the argument is that we grant whites the freedom not work for blacks (because whites do not have to apply to firms owned by blacks) but we don't grant whites the ability to not hire blacks.
I think the distinction is clear. Employers have bargaining power and employees do not. As long as the market is monopolistically competitive then employers will have at least some bargaining power. A racist with bargaining power has the ability to harm the welfare of others; a racist without bargaining power is merely entertaining his own private thoughts.
I think Hanson, like many libertarians, is prone to what Paul Krugman might call the Hollowing Out fallacy. In his book on development and geography Krugman points out that knowledge of Africa's geography did not grow linearly from the 15th through the 19th century. It took some steps backwards before it got better. 15th century maps were inaccurate about distances and features of the coastlines but they had a lot of information about Africa. As better and more accurate techniques were developed much of this information was lost. We replaced a large amount of medium quality information with a small amount of high quality information.
Krugman's point is that this happened in economics. When economics got more mathematical economists latched onto perfect competition. The math was easier. They basically ignored imperfect markets or assumed they didn't exist - just like the African map makers. This "hollowing out" of knowledge led to a free market bias. I think many libertarians are systematically guilty of this fallacy. At its worst you see it in the "perfect competition and Ayn Rand" types who think "incentives matter" is the One Ring of economics. But you also see it in ferociously intelligent libertarians like Robin Hanson. They place beautiful and parsimonious theories of reality ahead of reality itself. "If it ain't in the theory then it ain't true."
I side with Bryan Caplan over Robin Hanson (see the debate). Start with "secure cases" and work up a theory that explains them. If your theory doesn't explain them then it isn't because of cognitive dissonance over the secure cases; it is that your theory still needs refining. Here is a secure case: buying a baby from a poor woman and torturing it to death is wrong. It may be allowed by your theory because your theory only counts self-aware preferences, or the ability to participate in market exchanges. But in that case your theory needs refining, not the moral intuitions of people who think it is wrong to torture babies.
The ironic twist at the end of this post is that Hanson relies on his moral intuitions too. How did he decide that maximizing efficiency is good instead of maximizing human suffering? Because he accepted other principles like complete, transitive orderings over preferences and pareto efficiency. But how did he choose those as his first principles? Because of his intuitions. Why does Hanson give privileged position to those moral intuitions instead of others, such as the intuition against selling babies to be tortured?
7 comments:
"Employers have bargaining power and employees do not."
Your post goes on with a long sermon on how stupid economists must be to not get this, but you never even bother to offer any evidence for it.
Hi Robin,
Thank you for the privilege of a response. I didn't realize you actually commented on the "little guys" who orbit around the big boys like yourself and Tyler. Thanks!
I have two points in response. The first is that your post was about whether or not the theory was consistent, not whether or not it had empirical support. A theory of discrimination that accounts for welfare losses is consistent.
The second point is that most firms make a profit, which means that they have some monopoly power. A racist employer could convert some profits into paying a premium for white workers. What I do not know is how much monopoly power unskilled workers have. They must have at least a little bit because even unskilled labor is a differentiated good. But it may be very close to zero.
So in conclusion, the theory of discrimination appears coherent, but it may be falsified by the evidence.
Just an FYI: I deleted my first comment but usually on blogger it actually shows this. I've added a discussion about monopoly power of unskilled workers. In my first post I wrongly assumed they didn't have any.
Making an accounting "profit" does not imply market power, and having market power does not imply you have more market power than the other party, and even that does not imply the other side has zero power.
Hi Robin,
I'm happy to defer to the expert, but my aren't profits used as a guideline for market power? And aren't most markets imperfect in that they involve differentiated goods? A wheat farmer can't sell hard red winter wheat #2 for even a penny more than another farmer. But McDonald's can charge more for their french fries than Burger King because they do not exactly sell the same product.
If I'm missing something please let me know, but I don't think the claim that most firms have at least a little market power is controversial when differentiated goods are involved.
Given the nature of differentiated goods, it seems plausible to suggest that unskilled labors are more like hard red winter wheat #2 than french fries.
Were economists really less into perfect competition when the field was less mathematical?
Comment as posted on the site:
As an economist and (mostly) libertarian it seems to me people should be able to discriminate in both hiring and job selection processes. In a perfect world both these choices would show long term problems and employees using this strategy would be rewarded less and companies with the strategy would be out-competed.
In the real world there are huge differences in the two situations. Forcing a company to choose the best candidate is somewhat different to forcing someone to work against their will - we call that slavery.
There is another real-world problem; it is infinitely harder to prove why a candidate rejected a job offer than to prove systematic racism (or any -ism) by an employer simply due to the number of jobs a company offers (and number of applicants) compared to the number of jobs an individual applies for and is offered. And also the willingness of the wronged party to follow it up.
So should an employer be given the right to sue a (non-)employee for discrimination? If the (non-)employee can sue the employer then yes.
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